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Politics of Mozambique

By October 9th, 17 million Mozambicans had registered to vote in the general elections. The turnout was less than expected but observers and the public noted grave irregularities in the process and the contested election results led to a nation-wide boycott. The aggrieved opposition resorted to its horde of internet savvy denizens to orchestrate a shutdown of the country. Confrontations between law enforcement and an irate public ensued with accusations of police brutality. The events continue to unfold in a scenario that would have been better written into a plot.

Sensing changing tides, a group of academics, lawyers and journalists banded together to develop what would be this nation’s first citizen manifesto. Such a task could not have been more opportune. By getting citizens to imagine a favourable tomorrow, there is lesser chance of breaking what is there today as prolonged protests, however peaceful, invariably lead to destruction.

To remake Mozambique as a country safe for citizenship, the motto of the manifesto, means to have a serious reflection on the political trajectory of the country, one that encourages, facilitates and protects the discharge of citizens’ rights, according to the manifesto; which puts at centre the rights of citizens for self-determination.

At a time when confidence in the public institutions, whose cardinal preoccupations would be to serve the public is at an all-time low, Mozambicans are living in an increasingly autocratic and tyrannous nation.

The citizen manifesto makes a call, but is not limited to the review of:

  • Separation of powers
  • Presidential powers
  • Electoral justice
  • Political inclusion and participation
  • Regional and local autonomy and decentralization
  • Freedoms of expression
  • Standards and structures for economic and social development
  • National reconcilliation
  • Role of the State

The manifesto ends with an appeal to all public actors and institutions; political parties and social organizations for the calling of a National Conference to establish a way out of the post electoral crisis in the spirit of “Mozambique as a country safe for citizenship“.

Manifesto Cidadão
“Fazer de Moçambique um País Seguro para a Cidadania”

RadioClub7Setembro1974The 7th of September has been a public holiday in Mozambique for the last 46 years. For most people it is another day off, a moment for relaxation and if pressed hard for an answer something vaguely associated with the liberation of the country. Mozambicans will have difficulty in recalling the events in 1974 because it was actually the beginning and end of a series of events that lead to a change that few had expected.

In Joseph Hanlon’s book The Revolution Under Fire there is only one short chapter describing the events that led up to the 7th of September – the day on which Mario Soares the Portuguese Foreign Minister and Samora Machel agreed to the independence of Mozambique from Portugal. Private accounts released to newspapers however provide greater exposure to just how divided public opinion was on the matter and the reason why any other outcome was not viable.

Most of the events leading up to the 7th September Accord, the Acordos de Lusaka, actually had their beginnings in the Carnation Revolution of Portugal in April of 1974. Portugal had been fighting the guerilla movements in its colonies in Africa for more than 10 years and there was growing realization that the major wars in Angola and Mozambique were not sustainable. Angry conscripts and military officers, outnumbered and under resourced believed they could no longer fight the war. Alas, it was not just the futility of war but the larger significance of propping up a fascist regime that had long subverted the freedom of the Portuguese people that was hardest to swallow. 

PortugueseSoldiers1.1These men soon formed what was known as the MFA (Movimento das Forcas Armadas) that overthrew the Estado Novo regime and hastened the decolonization process. By forming agreements with independence movements such as FRELIMO in Mozambique, there was a tacit understanding between the new Portuguese authorities and the incumbent movements that there was no longer an interest to fight a war. In fact, both sides had much more to gain by putting their arms away.

MaputoStudentsDemonstrations1.1In Mozambique, however there were conflicting interests that both supported and rejected the idea of decolonization. Those who heavily supported Portuguese industrialization and capital bemoaned the growing threat that communism would bring; children of European settlers supported a democratic and nationalist perspective demanding autonomy from Portugal but with the right of Mozambicans to decide their own political outcome; Africans who had long been marginalized did not trust a leadership that was not African and for the vast majority of transient expatriates who neither had capital nor family interests in Mozambique it was about scrambling for safety; not getting caught in war that was essentially someone else’s problem.
MaputoSutdentsDemonstration1.2.1
And so in the months between May and June 1974, there were several bombings, strikes, demonstrations and spontaneous public gatherings which disrupted any possibility of normalcy as the various groups jostled with each other to put forward their opinion on how to move the country forward.

AcordosDeLusaka1.1The signing of the Lusaka Accord was the final straw for those could not accept a handover to FRELIMO. On the evening of 6th of September, a small group of African youth transporting themselves on a truck dragging a torn Portuguese flag in central Lourenco Marques were intercepted. The men were dealt with savagely and a FRELIMO flag they were waving was ripped and destroyed.

On the 7th of September, the headquarters of the national broadcasting service was occupied by an angry group of white settlers opposed to the FRELIMO regime’s undisputed takeover. They ceased the radio equipment and began broadcasting appeals to the settlers in other provinces to reject the accord. All these plans ran contrary to what had been decided and the troops from the Portuguese army were sent to deal with the “panicked whites”. FRELIMO soldiers were also sent to join the troops to ensure that order was restored.

In response to the disturbance, the Africans in suburbs surrounding Lourenco Marques were much less forgiving. In the next few days there were more reports of clashes; young African men stopping cars, setting them alight and attacking the passengers. There were reports of deaths and the central hospital recorded increases of patients. The road leading to the airport was also the site of many atrocities. 

It should also be mentioned that all these events were not perpetrated exclusively along racial lines. There were Africans who did not want Mozambique to be autonomous and supported the many whites. There were also whites who supported FRELIMO.

In the days following the 7th of September, a transition government was drawn up and finally independence – the effective handover of Mozambique to its people was scheduled to take place on the 25th of September 1975.

Credits to images: DW, RTP